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Featured Acquisitions - November
2004

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America's Lawyer-Presidents: From Law Office to Oval Office edited by Norman Gross; Foreward by Justice Sandra Day O'Connor
Evanston, Ill. : Northwestern University Press ; Chicago, Ill. : ABA Museum of Law, 2004
KF353 .A46 2004
Balcony
How have the legal careers of twenty-five American presidents shaped
their presidencies? Of America's forty-three presidents, twenty-five have
been lawyers. John Adams, the first lawyer-president, combined a twenty-year
law practice with significant contributions to our nation's founding charters.
His son, John Quincy Adams, argued landmark U.S. Supreme Court cases both
before and after his presidency. He was one of eight lawyer-presidents to
appear as counsel before the highest court in the land. America's most beloved
and admired president, Abraham Lincoln, was involved in more than 5,100 cases
during his 25-year legal career, while Rutherford Hayes, Benjamin Harrison,
and other lawyer-presidents gained fame handling sensational murder trials
and equally high profile cases. These are but a few of the fascinating stories
about the legal careers of America's lawyer-presidents. Yet, these stories
have largely been untold-until now. America's Lawyer-Presidents sheds light
on the legal backgrounds of each of these chief executives and how their
experiences as lawyers impacted and shaped their presidencies. Written by
historians and presidential scholars and featuring an engaging and image-rich
presentation, America's Lawyer-Presidents provides new insights into our
national leaders and their lives and times, from colonial days to the present.
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Risks, Reputations, and Rewards: Contingency Fee Legal Practice in the United States by Herbert M. Kritzer
Stanford, Calif. : Stanford Law and Politics/Stanford University Press, 2004
KF310.C6 K75 2004 Balcony
Risks, Reputations, and Rewards looks at a variety of interrelated
questions about contingency fee legal practice: What is the nature of the
contingency fees that lawyers charge? How do lawyers get and screen potential
cases? How do contingency fee lawyers interact with their clients and opponents?
What is involved in settling these cases? What types of returns do contingency
fee cases produce? And what role does reputation play in contingency fee
practice? The author argues that to be successful, contingency fee lawyers
must generate a portfolio of cases, similar to an investment portfolio with
its associated risk. This has a significant impact on how contingency fee
lawyers obtain and select cases, manage their work, and deal with the pressures
that arise in settling cases. More important, understanding the work of contingency
fee lawyers in terms of an ongoing practice rather than in terms of individual
cases mitigates some of the significant conflicts that may exist between
lawyers and clients.
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License to Harass: Law, Hierarchy, and Offensive Public Speech by Laura Beth Nielsen
Princeton, N.J. : Princeton University Press, c2004
KF4772 .N52 2004
Balcony
Offensive street speech--racist and sexist remarks that can make its targets
feel both psychologically and physically threatened--is surprisingly common
in our society. Many argue that this speech is so detestable that it should
be banned under law. But is this an area covered by the First Amendment right
to free speech? Or should it be banned?
In this elegantly written book,
Laura Beth Nielsen pursues the answers by probing the legal consciousness
of ordinary citizens. Using a combination of field observations and in-depth,
semistructured interviews, she surveys one hundred men and women, some of
whom are routine targets of offensive speech, about how such speech affects
their lives. Drawing on these interviews as well as an interdisciplinary
body of scholarship, Nielsen argues that racist and sexist speech creates,
reproduces, and reinforces existing systems of hierarchy in public places.
The law works to normalize and justify offensive public interactions, she
concludes, offering, in essence, a "license to harass."
Nielsen relates
the results of her interviews to statistical surveys that measure the impact
of offensive speech on the public. Rather than arguing whether law is the
appropriate remedy for offensive speech, she allows that the benefits to
democracy, to community, and to society of allowing such speech may very
well outweigh the burdens imposed. Nonetheless, these burdens, and the stories
of the people who bear them, should not remain invisible and outside the
debate.
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You, The People: The United Nations, Transitional Administration, and State-Building by Simon Chesterman
Oxford ; New York : Oxford University Press, 2004
JZ6374 .C44 2004 Sohn Library The governance of post-conflict
territories embodies a central contradiction: how does one help a population
prepare for democratic governance and the rule of law by imposing a form
of benevolent autocracy?
Transitional
administrations represent the most complex operations attempted by the United
Nations. The operations in East Timor and Kosovo are commonly seen as unique
in the history of the UN - perhaps never to be repeated. But they may also
be seen as the latest in a series of operations that have involved the United
Nations in 'state-building' activities, where it has attempted to develop
the institutions of government by assuming some or all of those sovereign
powers on a temporary basis. The circumstances that have demanded such interventions
certainly will be repeated.
Seen
in the context of earlier UN operations, such as those in Namibia, Cambodia,
and Eastern Slavonia, the view that these exceptional circumstances may not
recur is somewhat disingenuous. Moreover, the need for such policy research
has been brought into sharp focus by the weighty but ambiguous role assigned
to the UN in Afghanistan and the possibility of a comparable role in Iraq.
This
book fills that gap. Aimed at policy-makers, diplomats, and a wide academic
audience (including international relations, political science, international
law, and war studies), the book provides a concise history of UN state-building
operations and a treatment of the five key issues confronting such an operation
on the ground: peace and security, the role of the UN as government, judicial
reconstruction, economic reconstruction, and exit strategies. |
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The Supreme Court and Religion in American Life by James Hitchcock.
Princeton, N.J. : Princeton University Press, c2004-
KF4865 .H58 2004
Balcony
School vouchers. The Pledge of Allegiance. The ban on government grants
for theology students. The abundance of church and state issues brought before
the Supreme Court in recent years underscores an incontrovertible truth in
the American legal system: the relationship between the state and religion
in this country is still fluid and changing.
This, the first of two
volumes by historian and legal scholar James Hitchcock, provides the first
comprehensive exploration of the Supreme Court's approach to religion, offering
a close look at every case, including some that scholars have ignored.
Hitchcock
traces the history of the way the Court has rendered important decisions
involving religious liberty. Prior to World War II it issued relatively few
decisions interpreting the Religious Clauses of the Constitution. Nonetheless,
it addressed some very important ideas, including the 1819 Dartmouth College
case, which protected private religious education from state control, and
the Mormon polygamy cases, which established the principle that religious
liberty was restricted by the perceived good of society.
It was not
until the 1940s that a revolutionary change occurred in the way the Supreme
Court viewed religion. During that era, the Court steadily expanded the scope
of religious liberty to include many things that were probably not intended
by the framers of the Constitution, and it narrowed the permissible scope
of religion in public life, barring most kinds of public aid to religious
schools and forbidding almost all forms of religious expression in the public
schools. This book, along with its companion volume, From "Higher Law" to
"Sectarian Scruples," offers a fresh analysis of the Court's most important
decisions in constitutional doctrine. Sweeping in range, it paints a detailed
picture of the changing relationship between religion and the state in American
history.
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The Dynamic Constitution: An Introduction to American Constitutional Law by Richard H. Fallon, Jr.
Cambridge, U.K. ; New York : Cambridge University Press, 2004
KF4550 .F35 2004 Balcony
In this book, Harvard law professor Richard H. Fallon introduces non-lawyers
to the workings of American Constitutional Law. He writes with clarity and
vigor about leading constitutional doctrines and issues, including the freedom
of speech, the freedom of religion, the guarantee of equal protection, rights
to fair procedures, and rights to privacy and sexual autonomy. Along the
way, Fallon describes many of the fascinating cases and personalities that
have shaped constitutional law. He shows how historical, cultural, and other
factors have influenced constitutional adjudication, making clear the dynamic
nature of the Constitution. For both the courts and the American people,
Fallon argues, the Constitution must serve as a dynamic document that adapts
to the changing conditions inherent in human affairs. Fallon goes on to defend
dynamic constitutionalism by confronting head on the concerns that some critics
have raised. |
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The Privatization of the Oceans by Rögnvaldur Hannesson
Cambridge, Mass. : MIT Press, c2004
SH334 .H362 2004 Sohn Library
Rich with detail and provocatively argued, this study
of the development of property rights in the world's fisheries tells the
story of one industry's evolution and provides a useful illustration of the
forces that shape economic institutions. The emergence of exclusive individual
rights of access in the fishing industry began after the revolution in the
international law of the sea that took place in the 1970s, when the offshore
area controlled by a nation for fish and other resources expanded from 3
miles to 200 miles. Rögnvaldur Hannesson compares the subsequent development
of private property rights in the fisheries to the historic enclosures and
clearances of common land in England and Scotland and finds many parallels,
including bitter fights over access rights and the impossibility of accommodating
all those who want to stake a claim. Overall benefit to society in the form
of increased efficiency, he points out, does not mean that all benefit equally.
After tracing the development of the law of the sea since the sixteenth century,
Hannesson considers what form property rights in fisheries might take and
examines the forces behind the establishment of exclusive use rights to fish.
He argues that one form of exclusive use rights, individual transferable
quotas (ITQs), best promotes efficiency in the use of fish resources. He
presents case studies of ITQ development, ranging from successful establishment
in Canada and New Zealand to failures in Chile and Norway to experiments
with ITQs in Iceland and the United States. The development of economic institutions,
he concludes, is an evolutionary process subject to contradictory influences.
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Promises to Keep: Technology, Law, and the Future of Entertainment
by William W. Fisher III
Stanford, Calif. : Stanford Law and Politics, 2004
KF3035 .F57 2004 Balcony
During the past fifteen years, changes in the technologies used to make and
store audio and video recordings, combined with the communication revolution
associated with the Internet, have generated an extraordinary array of new
ways in which music and movies can be produced and distributed. Both the
creators and the consumers of entertainment products stand to benefit enormously
from the new systems.
Sadly, we have failed thus far to avail ourselves
of these opportunities. Instead, much energy has been devoted to interpreting
or changing legal rules in hopes of defending older business models against
the threats posed by the new technologies. These efforts to plug the multiplying
holes in the legal dikes are failing and the entertainment industry has fallen
into crisis.
This provocative book chronicles how we got into this
mess and presents three alternative proposals—each involving a combination
of legal reforms and new business models—for how we could get out of it.
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Working Together: How Workplace Bonds Strengthen a Diverse Democracy by Cynthia Estlund
Oxford ; New York : Oxford University Press, 2003
HF5549.5.M5 E845 2003 Basement
The typical
workplace is a hotbed of human relationships--of friendships, conflicts,
feuds, alliances, partnerships, coexistence and cooperation. Here, problems
are solved, progress is made, and rifts are mended because they need to be
- because the work has to get done. And it has to get done among increasingly
diverse groups of co-workers. At
a time when communal ties in American society are increasingly frayed and
segregation persists, the workplace is more than ever the site where Americans
from different ethnic, religious, and racial backgrounds meet and forge serviceable
and sometimes lasting bonds. What do these highly structured workplace relationships
mean for a society still divided by gender and race?
Structure
and rules are, in fact, central to the answer. Workplace interactions are
constrained by economic power and necessity, and often by legal regulation.
They exist far from the civic ideal of free and equal citizens voluntarily
associating for shared ends. Yet it is the very involuntariness of these
interactions that helps to make the often-troubled project of racial integration
comparatively successful at work. People can be forced to get along-not without friction, but often with surprising success.
This
highly original exploration of the paradoxical nature--and the paramount
importance--of workplace bonds concludes with concrete suggestions for how
law can further realize the democratic possibilities of working together.
In linking workplace integration and connectedness beyond work, Estlund suggests
a novel and promising strategy for addressing the most profound challenges
facing American society.
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Why Marriage? The History Shaping Today's Debate Over Gay Equality by George Chauncey
New York ; Cambridge, MA : Basic Books, c2004
HQ76.8.U5 C43 2004 Basement
Angry
debate over gay marriage is sweeping the country, threatening to divide
the nation like no other issue since the Vietnam War. Why has marriage
suddenly emerged as the most explosive issue in the gay struggle for
equality?
At times it seems to have come out of nowhere-but in fact it has a
history. Drawing upon the unparalleled historical knowledge that
established him
as the principal author of the influential Historians' Amicus Brief
filed
in the landmark Supreme Court sodomy case Lawrence v. Texas, George
Chauncey
shows how the demand for the freedom to marry emerged from a
decades-long
struggle. He reminds us of the pervasive discrimination faced by
lesbians
and gay men only a few decades ago, when the federal government fired
thousands
of gay employees and restaurants were shut down for serving
homosexuals.
And he shows how the continuing discrimination faced by gay families-in
insurance,
pensions, and child custody struggles-led them to campaign for the
protections
of marriage. Chauncey gives us the history of the shifting attitudes of
heterosexual Americans toward gays, from the dramatic growth in
acceptance
to the many campaigns against gay rights that form the background to
today's
demand for a constitutional amendment. He also connects religious
opposition
to interracial marriage and desegregation just fifty years ago with
opposition
to same-sex marriage today. Chauncey illuminates what's at stake for
both
sides, making this an essential book for gay and straight readers alike. |
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Governments, Labour, and the Law in Mid-Victorian Britain: The Trade Union Legislation of the 1870s by Mark Curthoys
Oxford : Clarendon Press ; New York : Oxford University Press, 2004
HD6664 .C87 2004 Basement
This
is a study of how governments and their specialist advisers, in an age of
free trade and the minimal state, attempted to create a viable legal framework
for trade unions and strikes. It traces the collapse, in the face of judicial
interventions, of the regime for collective labour devised by the Liberal
Tories in the 1820s, following the repeal of the Combination Acts. The new
arrangements enacted in the 1870s allowed collective labour unparalleled
freedoms, contended by the newly-founded Trades Union Congress. This book
seeks to reinstate the view from government into an account of how the settlement
was brought about, tracing the emergence of an official view - largely independent
of external pressure - which favoured withdrawing the criminal law from peaceful
industrial relations and allowing a virtually unrestricted freedom to combine.
It reviews the impact upon the Home Office's specialist advisers of contemporary
intellectual trends, such as the assaults upon classical and political economy
and the historicized critiques of labour law developed by Liberal writers.
Curthoys offers an historical context for the major court decisions affecting
the security of trade union funds, and the freedom to strike, while the views
of the judges are integrated within the terms of a wider debate between proponents
of contending views of 'free trade' and 'free labour'. New evidence sheds
light on the considerations which impelled governments to grant trade unions
a distinctive form of legal existence, and to protect strikers from the criminal
law. This account of the making of labour law affords many wider insights
into the nature and inner workings of the Victorian state as it dismantled
the remnants of feudalism (symbolized by the Master and Servant Acts) and
sought to reconcile competing conceptions of citizenship in an age of franchise
extension. After
the repeal of the Combination Acts in the 1820s collective labour enjoyed
limited freedoms. When this regime collapsed under judicial challenge, governments
were obliged to devise a new legal framework for trade unions and strikes,
enacted between 1871 and 1876. Drawing extensively upon previously unused
governmental sources, this study affords many wider insights into the nature
and inner workings of the mid-Victorian state, tracing the impact upon policy-makers
of contemporary assaults upon classical political economy, and of the historicized
critiques of labour law developed by Liberal writers. As contending views
of 'free trade' and 'free labour' came into collision, an official view was
formed which favoured allowing an unrestricted freedom to combine and sought
to withraw the criminal law from peaceful industrial relations. |
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